Suchergebnisse

Cet article interroge le voisinage entre deux problématisations contemporaines, dans la première moitié des années 1970, de la reproduction de la force de travail, dans le féminisme marxiste et dans l'anthropologie marxiste. Examinant l'itinéraire de Silvia Federici des années 1970 aux années 2000 puis l'analyse par Claude Meillassoux de la capture du « mode de production domestique » par le capitalisme impérialiste, il examine leurs problématisations respectives du lien entre théorie du salaire et question de l'accumulation primitive. Et il repose sur cette base la question d'une division socioanthropologique entre deux modes de renouvellement générationnel des communautés humaines, par reproduction génésique et par reproduction migratoire.

It has become indispensable to refer to the work of Franz Fanon when analysing both the colonial making of bodies and, in turn, those material and discursive operations that combine together the racialisation, sexualisation, and pathologisation of such colonised bodies. This entails, too, reflecting upon an issue which Fanon placed at the heart of the militant praxis: that is, the transformation of the forms of corporeality central to the position of a decolonial subject. This article reexamines this topic in the light of a Fanonian text, which introduces an additional element that complicates the dialectical approach which generally governs, both in Fanon's work and in that of his critics, the narrative function that is accorded to the body in analysing the processes of liberation.In This is the Voice of Algeria (1959), Fanon draws attention to the fact that colonised bodies are more than just racialised bodies subjected to extreme colonial violence and then projected as a paroxysmal location where the reversal of a counter-violence against oppression occurs. They are also speaking bodies, and Fanon attempts to describe how they claim ownership of what Jacques Lacan called their parlêtre dimension. We need them to describe their specific materiality of such a dimension and the constraints of the circumstances which allow (or act as obstacles to) the incorporation of the voice in a subject of political enunciation. I will draw on Franz Fanon's studies of how the radio was used in the Algerian liberation struggle, in which, as a part of undertaking his analysis, Fanon was forced to address the "metapolitical" issue of the incorporation of the object voice in the problematic emergence of a political subjectivation in which instinctual and technical dimensions are inextricably linked.

This article deals with the programme of a "topography" of the political subject: it is an attempt at writing the politics of "modernity" and the typical aporias inherent in its discursive regimes, in order to correlate the question of political subjectivation with the unconscious. Its purpose is not an "applied psychoanalysis", nor a political psychology, but a problematisation of what repeats itself in politics, and what constitutes a "symptom" in such a repetition. Following Etienne Balibar's analyses of the "proposition d'égaliberté" and the "three concepts of politics", I attempt to articulate three components of the political modernity: the order of repetition, of which we have to understand the logics to catch its binding effect; the equivocity of the figures of the political subject, which is the main effect of this compulsion of repetition, but yet the only way to make it politically and subjectively productive; the contradiction between the universality of political discourse and its limit, a limit that politics confronts less as a border with its "extensive" other (as being "non-political") than as the internal intensive differences putting politics into crisis (as being "impolitical"). ; Pričujoči članek se ukvarja s programom »topografije« političnega subjekta. Je poskus pisanja politike »moderne« in tipičnih aporij, notranjih njenim diskurzivnim režimom, zato da bi izpostavil zvezo med vprašanjem politične subjektivacije in nezavednim. Članek ne meri na »uporabno psihoanalizo«, niti na politično psihologijo, temveč na problematizacijo tistega, kar se v politiki ponavlja, kar tvori »simptom« v takem ponavljanju. Sledeč Balibarjevim analizam »propozicije o enakosti-svobodi« in »trem pojmom politike«, avtor artikulira tri sestavine politične moderne: red ponavljanja, čigar logiko moramo dojeti, zato da bi lahko zapopadli njegov učinek povezovanja: ekvivokacijo figure političnega subjekta, ki je poglavitni učinek te prisile k ponavljanju, a hkrati tudi edini način, kako ga narediti politično in subjektivno produktivno: protislovje med univerzalnostjo političnega diskurza in njegovo mejo, ki jo politika srečuje manj v obliki meje z njenim »ekstenzivnim« drugim (kot »ne-politično«) kakor v obliki notranjih intenzivnih razlik, ki izzovejo krizo politike (kot »impolitično«).

Repartant de la première courbe d'élaboration du concept de "devenir–mineur" de Deleuze et Guattari (de Kafka Pour une littérature mineure à Mille plateaux), nous interrogeons le rapport entre les deux lignes de problématisation de ce concept: une analyse des antagonismes historiques dont les minorités sociales sont aujourd'hui le lieu "surdéterminé"; l'identification d'un type de position au sein des modes collectifs d'énonciation. Par là, nous soulevons également le problème de ce que peut signifier politiquement occuper une position de minorité dans le discours (théorique, littéraire, philosophique…). C'est en ce sens que nous confrontons les luttes de minorités au schème de la lutte des classes, que nous examinons certains liens (liens de prolongement, d'intégration, mais aussi de différenciation) entre les processus de "prolétarisation" et de "minoration", et que nous reposons sur cette base la question d'un nouvel internationalisme.

starting from the first development curve of Deleuze and Guattari (from Kafka For a minor literature in Mille plateaux), we question the relationship between the two lines of problem of this concept: an analysis of the historical antagonisms of which social minorities are now the 'over-determined' place; identification of a type of position within the collective modes of expression. In this connection, we also raise the issue of what a minority position may mean politically in discourse (theoretical, literary, philosophical, etc.). It is in this sense that we are confronting the struggles of minorities with the scale of class struggle, that we examine certain links (links of extension, integration, but also of differentiation) between the processes of 'proletarisation' and 'downgrading', and that on that basis we rely on the question of a new internationalism. ; Repartant de la première courbe d'élaboration du concept de "devenir–mineur" de Deleuze et Guattari (de Kafka Pour une littérature mineure à Mille plateaux), nous interrogeons le rapport entre les deux lignes de problématisation de ce concept: une analyse des antagonismes historiques dont les minorités sociales sont aujourd'hui le lieu "surdéterminé"; l'identification d'un type de position au sein des modes collectifs d'énonciation. Par là, nous soulevons également le problème de ce que peut signifier politiquement occuper une position de minorité dans le discours (théorique, littéraire, philosophique…). C'est en ce sens que nous confrontons les luttes de minorités au schème de la lutte des classes, que nous examinons certains liens (liens de prolongement, d'intégration, mais aussi de différenciation) entre les processus de "prolétarisation" et de "minoration", et que nous reposons sur cette base la question d'un nouvel internationalisme.

Este artículo examina algunos problemas señalados por la distinción "antinómica" propuesta por Étienne Balibar entre una estrategia mayoritaria y una estrategia minoritaria. Tomando como punto de referencia la teoría guattaro-deleuziana del "devenir-menor", y confrontándola con tres escenas políticas diferentes, tomadas de Frantz Fanon, Jacques Rancière y Judith Butler, busco distinguir diversas maneras de pensar la inclusión de una "causa del otro", o de un punto de vista de minoridad, en la construcción de identidades políticas emancipatorias. Existen muchas maneras de problematizar una estrategia minoritaria a partir de prácticas de desidentificación como contenido mismo de la subjetivación política. Pero la hipótesis que se precisa a lo largo de esta confrontación es finalmente aquella de una antinomia interna a la idea de la estrategia minoritaria misma, que se intensifica cuando las identidades dominantes pierden la seguridad de su propia "mayoría", o cuando la diferencia entre lo mayoritario y lo minoritario deviene tendencialmente inasignable a pesar de que devenga también más difícil de diferenciar la violencia de la exclusión de minorías de la violencia de su inclusión. ; This article examines certain problems related to the "antinomical" distinction, proposed by Étienne Balibar, between a majority strategy and a minority strategy. Orientated by the deleuzo-guattarian theory of "becoming-minor", and confronting it with three different political scenes taken from Frantz Fanon, Jacques Rancière and Judith Butler, we seek to distinguish different manners of thinking the inclusion of a "cause of the other", or of a minority point of view, in the construction of emancipatory political identities. These are different ways of problematizing a minority strategy by relating it to practices of disidentification as the very content of political subjectivation. But the hypothesis that will crystalize in the course of this confrontation is that of an internal antinomy in the idea of minority strategy itself, that intensifies when the dominant identities loose the assurance of their own "majority", or when the difference between the majoritarian and the minoritarian becomes tendencially unassignable at the same time as it becomes more difficult to differentiate the violence of the exclusion of minorities to the violence of their inclusion.